Blue colours indicate comparatively low hazard areas, yellow to orange colours indicate moderate hazard areas, and red colours indicate high hazard areas. Of particular interest is the section on ‘memory wars’, which Fekete sees as ‘a continuation of the New Right’s culture wars’ (p.

Having presented a very troubling picture throughout, Fekete ends on a positive note of resistance in her last chapter, ‘They Shall Not Pass’, where, as an opposition to the rise of the forces that she has been discussing, and the prevalence of their ideas, she talks about how ‘deeply rooted in European culture … are humanitarian, anti-fascist and socialist ones’ (p.This is all true, but we also need tactics to win over the majority of the working class to redistributive economic policies that are predicated upon seeing it as a whole, not as a discrete network of identities and interest groups. It took me years to see through its soft charm to its bitter prickly kernel - which I quite like too. In Poland, Hungary and Spain, revisionist history is being propagated, which, to give one example, pushes the idea that Hungary was a victim of the German occupation toward the end of World War II, while attempting to efface its status as an Axis power from 1940 onwards. The highest earthquake risk and thus the most severe consequences of earthquakes are expected in urban areas located in regions with a comparably high earthquake hazard. Liz Fekete's excellent new book (following on from her equally fine earlier 'A Suitable Enemy') provides an insightful, critical inquiry into the character of contemporary anti-migrant racism, the rise of the far right, and the way both are entwined with - and embedded in - illiberal, authoritarian and anti-human dimensions of the practices of contemporary European states.

This approach takes off the agenda a discussion of ‘multicultural working-class communities, experiencing the same problems of industrial flight and neoliberal abandonment’ (p. Local activism is important, but there needs to be national-scale political leadership that can make a wider case for a different economic model that addresses the needs of the working class. With right-wing extremism finally recognised by the mainstream as a fundamental threat to Europe's future, her indictment of those who enabled, amplified, and aided the rise of the hard right is an essential contribution to the defense of democratic values. The second of the two aims is particularly incisive, as there is a tendency within some liberal critiques of racism and the rise of the far right to see the issue separately from the capitalist conditions that produce it, and to disavow the tendency of mainstream politics to shift to accommodate it. Perhaps the most important chapter in setting out how all of this has happened is number three, ‘Establishing Norms: The Cultural Revolution from the Right’.

What appear to be “blind spots” about far-right extremism on the part of the state are shown to constitute collusion—as police, intelligence agencies and the military embark on practices of covert policing that bring them into direct or indirect contact with the far right, in ways that bring to mind the darkest days of Europe’s authoritarian past. Seismic hazard data collected for this model consisted of records from more than 30,000 earthquakes with a magnitude of 3. These are popular in both academic and non-academic commentaries, from the political left to the political right.

Based solely on race and culture, whether sedition is from within or without the state, we witness double standards.In Britain, this battle is playing out via the media inches given to centrist politicians who wish to suggest that Labour’s Brexit policy is the same as the Tories’ or UKIP’s, and via the ongoing campaign to present Labour as having a specific problem with anti-Semitism. Throughout the last two decades, headlines from that newspaper have given editorial support to a variety of political campaigns premised on the stigmatisation of migrant offenders.