The Strange Survival of Liberal Britain: Politics and Power Before the First World War

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The crisis of 2022 could prove a turning point in British politics. It is the culmination of a period of instability inaugurated by the Brexit referendum of 2016, which caused the immediate resignation of Prime Minister, David Cameron, and three further prime ministerial resignations since 2019.

That people do not appreciate the energy and initiative of the Edwardians in seeking to resolve these new problems. If you think you know the British political scene from 1895 to 1914, think again. Vernon Bogdanor has the habit of unearthing gems that have been missed by others. He does it again in this magisterial work on post-Gladstonian Britain by challenging some of the long-established myths about this period that deserve to be cast aside.” Professor Malcolm Murfett, King’s College London The period has often been seen as one of decadence, of the strange death of liberal Britain. In contrast, Vernon Bogdanor believes that the robustness of Britain’s parliamentary and political institutions and her liberal political culture, with the commitment to rational debate and argument, were powerful enough to carry her through one of the most trying periods of her history and so make possible the remarkable survival of liberal Britain. The Conservatives, in the Lords, in the City and in the country, were far from beaten. In 1911, he notes, the Unionists defensively unveiled proposals for Lords reform, for a House of 350 members, partly appointed and partly elected on a regional basis by the single transferrable vote system. Yet 110 years-later, the Lords still contains three active dukes and more than 90 other hereditary peers. He praises the Liberal commitment to education for all, and their encouragement for working men entering Parliament. Yet two of our most recent male prime ministers were educated at Eton, and the third was head boy at Winchester. One might almost say that it is the astonishing survival of Conservative Britain which is the most remarkable legacy of the 20th century.I loved the whole atmosphere of the Oxford Literary Festival. From breakfast, alongside some of the attendees, who were talking books with each other a mile a minute, to the public event at The Sheldonian where everyone was lively and engaged – I felt I had arrived in a kind of literary heaven. A more competitive Britain, they argued, meant encouraging enterprise by lowering personal and corporation tax and shrinking the state. The hard Brexiteers sought, in the words of Liz Truss’s resignation speech “a low tax economy” that “would take advantage of the freedoms of Brexit”. Joseph Chamberlain – to ask what he would do today to modernise Britain. Winston Churchill – because, like Chamberlain, he had such energy and originality. I would ask him too how he would modernise Britain.

The years 1895 to 1914 were formative. They heralded a new agenda which still dominates our politics. The issues of the period - economic modernisation, social welfare and social equality, secondary and technical education, a new role for Britain in the world - were complex and difficult. Nor did the red wall voters seek a smaller state. They wanted more state intervention not less, especially after Covid so starkly revealed the inequalities which still disfigure Britain. A country in which financiers rake in millions amidst queues for food banks was not one of which they could feel proud. Masterly. The debate over the tumultuous years before 1914 has occupied historians ever since George Dangerfield published The Strange Death of Liberal England in 1935. Vernon Bogdanor gives a magisterial rebuttal, demonstrating the robustness of Britain’s institutions at a time of political change. He provides a fascinating tour d’horizon of the Edwardian political scene. This must be a definitive account.” Professor Jane Ridley, author of George V: Never a Dull Moment I would have advised the Conservatives not to reject the 1909 Budget! Rejection damaged the party’s interests by leading to a restriction of the powers of the Lords, and the introduction of an Irish Home Rule bill. Had the Conservatives not raised the constitutional issue, they might well have regained power at the next election.

As generations of students know, Vernon Bogdanor is an unrivalled expert on history and politics, and this book brilliantly brings together his thoughts – crisp, authoritative and lucid – on a vital, transformational period of Britain’s past.” Nicholas Owen, associate professor of politics, University of Oxford The Cloud is only intended for guest and visitor access to wifi. Existing LSE staff and students are encouraged to use eduroaminstead. The night in Oxford was the most beautiful event I have ever done. Not just the spectacular setting (of the Sheldonian), but an unforgettable evening. The late Victorians and Edwardians confronted these challenges but did not succeed in resolving them. These are also the problems of today, and we have not succeeded in resolving them either. The period has often been seen as one of decadence, of the strange death of liberal Britain.

It is a law of economic gravity that we trade more with nearby countries than with those more distant. As David Cameron pointed out during the referendum campaign, we trade more with Ireland than with Brazil, Russia, India and China combined. If you could have lunch with two of the people mentioned in The Strange Survival of Liberal Britain, who would it be and why?A stimulating and rewarding on-stage conversation; a lively informed and tolerant audience; privileged access to the great treasures of the Bodleian, and finally, wonderfully interesting dinner companions to help me conclude the best day I have enjoyed at any festival – anywhere. Vernon Bogdanor believes the turbulent years of 1895 to 1914 changed Britain’s political landscape and delves in to the reasons why in his wide-ranging and sometimes controversial book The Strange Survival of Liberal Britain. Here is a flavour of what is to come in a short Q&A with Vernon himself.